|
Today's
patterned African cloth would be all but unrecognizable to the Africans
brought to America as slaves. Seventeenth, 18th and early 19th century
examples of West and Central African textiles demonstrate subtle color,
delicacy of execution, careful planning and a passion for balance, symmetry
and order.
|

Dyed
patterns: Yoruba Adire
Adire
was resist-dyed with indigo in tied or stitched patterns arranged
symmetrically within a grid or on a central axis, and then lightly overdyed to
reduce contrast. Painted-resist adire, whose symbols are often compared to
American quilt designs, was not developed until the 20th century, long after
the last African slave was taken to America.
Adire
(AH-dih-ray) is a Yoruban term describing resist-dyeing fabric, traditionally with indigo. This process involves keeping some areas of the cloth from absorbing dye - tying,
stitching, covering areas with a dye-resistant liquid such as starch paste or wax, or clamping the cloth between carved blocks of wood - to producing a negative image which, in the case of
adire, would be a white pattern on a blue background.
Resist dyeing is probably the oldest method of producing nonwoven patterns on fabric using dyes; it has been found in almost every culture on the planet outside Europe, where it was not
adopted until the 18th century (and then only the paste-resist and clamp methods). Conversely, in West Africa, tied resist was used as early as the 11th century (an adire oniko
cap was found in the Tellem caves - see photo below); stitch resist may be nearly as old. But adire eleko, or paste resist, was not used in Africa until the early 1900s. |
While adire
is the specialty of Nigeria's Yoruba, whose skill in indigo dyeing has been renowned
(and widely traded in the region) for centuries, it is also done in other regions, sometimes with camwood or kola dye. Rene Boser belives the technique may have originated spontaneously in several areas and that the Soninke and Mandingo may have helped diffuse patterns during their travels through Gambia, Ivory Coast, and Mali. (Click here for an excellent image of a Dogon
woman wearing an adire oniko kijipa.)
In
earlier centuries adire appears to have been highly regarded; when the tunic
pictured below was acquired in the 1640s, its German collector said it was the
kind given by the "king" in a "knighting" ceremony
(i.e., given to warriors by rulers). But by the mid-1950s, adire was
considered a
"budget" fabric worn only by less well-off women and by men as sleeping
cloths, and as a way to recycle faded cloth. Not until the 1960s did adire become fashionable in West Africa, when expatriate African and African-American men started using adire for shirts as attractive way of
celebrating their heritage. Adire eleko has also become a means of
cottage-industry income for Moslem women who are rarely permitted to leave
their homes.
|
How has
adire changed since the Diaspora?
-
Synthetic
dyes and colors other than blue
- Multicolor effects
- Lighter, tightly-woven
commercially made fabric substituted for heaver, coarser homespun;
commercially printed cottons, brocades, and other luxury textiles also
used
- Use of sewing machines to produce
adire alabere - more detailed patterns
- New patterns such as "Chieftancy
tree" (Igi oye)
- Embellishment with machine
embroidery - late 20th century
-
Introduction
around 1910 of adire eleko (painted, stenciled or stamped paste or wax
resist)
Design aesthetics
Balanced, symmetrical arrangement - The overall layout of adire designs is balanced and symmetrical. A complete cloth is made from two panels
of fabric (which can be made of several strips) about 8 feet long, joined along the selvage to produce a single
cloth that appears seamless. Typically the dyer lays one panel on top of the other and treats them as one in the resist process; this produces two identical pieces. |
A
men's tunic with delicate adire oniko design from Allada
(where Yoruba exported their textiles), collected for German merchant
Christoph Weickmann between 1653-1658.
The fabric is made of vertical strips of cotton fabric carefully
joined so that they appear to be one piece.
|
Seeds or stones are used to produce dots or rings
of uniform size. In stitched adire, the dyer folds the cloth to divide each panel into equal-sized squares, which are then filled with motifs that are carefully arranged in a balanced, symmetrical manner. The patterns on cloth intended for tunics are also symmetrical (see 17th century
example above). Reduced contrast -
After the resist was removed, the Yoruba typically overdyed the whole fabric with a light
wash of indigo to soften the white design. Today, they also use overall adire patterns (such as a herringbone motif) to tone down the bright colors of commercially printed fabrics.
Adire oniko - tied resist
This is believed to be the oldest adire method, and Yorubans and other West Africans brought to the US as slaves would certainly have been
familiar with the designs it produced. Areas of the fabric are tightly tied with thread (originally raffia, later cotton) to produce simple decorative designs. Several methods have traditionally been used:
-
Bullseye:
The center of the fabric is found and then the whole piece is twisted and tied; or the fabric is pleated, with or without folding into
quarters first, and tied; then the fabric is dyed. The technique is quick, easy, and inexpensive to produce; it is so ubiquitous that during the 20th century dyers called the design "Tom, Dick and Harry". A more complicated version involving diagonal pleating is
called sahada (possibly from al sahada, Arabic for "testimony," referring to the Moslem assertion that "There is no God but Allah and Mohammed is his prophet." It would certainly be an attractive choice to make into a Moslem-style
tunic.
-
Folding or crumpling:
The fabric is pleated lengthwise and crosswise, resulting in a plaid-like
design, or gently crumpled into a ball for dyeing, resulting in a marbled or mottled effect.
-
Stripes:
To allow for even coloration, the fabric is left in 4-6" wide strips (today, wider fabric is cut into strips) which are folded and twisted, then tied and dyed. The strips are then assembled along their selvages,
forming an overall lengthwise stripe
pattern. This method is easy but labor-intensive, and for that reason it is often assigned to young girls.
-
Dots or rings:
An area of the fabric is wrapped around a small stone or seed, which is held in place by wrapping the fabric tightly with thread. The size of the seed or stone affects the size of the ring or dot that results. These can be
concentric and
start at
the center of the fabric, or arranged in rows either "eyeballed" by the dyer or marked by folding and creasing the cloth; they can be widely spaced or almost touching. After dyeing, the fabric can be pressed smooth or left crinkled.
The
patterns include [Spinning] Top (also called Snail or Snake), Full Moon, and Moon and Fruits ("fruits" referring to the seeds used to make the smaller circles surrounding the "moon").
|

Adire oniko in the sahada pattern
. |
|

|
Tie-dyed quilts in the American South: A mid-1980s survey of more than 10,000 North Carolina quilts revealed that during the early 1940s a number of
tie-dyed, whole-cloth quilts were made in Sampson County, North Carolina.
It is tempting to infer an African origin, but few Yoruba were settled in the region,
and at least some of the quilts (including the one at left) were made by white
women, probably as the result of home dye brochures that promoted tie-dyeing
a home decor technique since the early 1900s. It
would be useful to find evidence that African-Americans were tie-dyeing in
the 19th century. |
Adire alabere - stitched resist
It is not known how old this technique is, but it postdates adire
oniko. Thread is also used as the "resist," but the designs are made by
stitching. Until well after the Diaspora, this would have been done by hand, with raffia; today, strips of plastic bags are sometimes
used, along with a sewing machine. Methods used include:
-
Rows of dots, or checked/plaid effect:
The fabric is gathered with a running stitch; it may be also folded before gathering.
-
Grid or columns containing simple geometric motifs:
The fabric is folded or pleated to form smaller, equal-sized sections, either in lengthwise stripes or a grid, and then the folds or pleats are
oversewn. Depending on the
length and tightness of the stitch and the thread used, the result can result in a line that looks remarkably like the backbone of a fish.
|
Within the grid or columns, geometric patterns are then worked using more stitching or by tying. Alabere patterns are decorative in nature, and represent (and have the names of) items commonly found in everyday life.
One pattern can cover the entire cloth, or a variety can be used. Diaspora-era patterns probably include Scissors, Cocoa, Fingers, Bananas, Eggs, and Tribal Marks (decorative facial scars). This is also the method used to produce ukara, the cloths worn and displayed
today during special activities by top-ranking members of the Ekpe or "leopard
society," discussed below. |
This adire alabere alternates tribal mark, fingers,
and chicken foot motifs. |
|
Adire eleko - paste resist
|
|
The adire method Signs & Symbols author
Wahlman links to African-American quilts originated after 1910, and contains motifs called "wire," "eggs," and "leaves". |
This technique dates to the 20th century - long after the period when enslaved Africans were being brought to the Western Hemisphere.
Adire eleko's origin has been traced to Ibadan, Nigeria, in around
1910, and ironically owes its existence to punitive colonial policies.
Faced with a shortage of raw cotton for their mills and a resistant African
market, European merchants flooded the region with cheap cotton sheeting,
while colonial governments levied high taxes on locally-made cloth. The
combination put African weavers out of work, "freeing" them to raise
cotton for export to European mills.
The
imported sheeting's smooth finish and tight weave allowed designs to be painted on its surface with a
cassava starch paste - a process impossible on the softer, more loosely-woven
handwoven fabric. The paste is applied with a feather or a broomstraw and carefully dried, after which it is dyed. The starch is then removed, leaving a white pattern on a blue background. Today stencils, printing blocks and wax are also used.
Although adire eleko is prominently featured in both Hidden in Plain View and Signs and Symbols, neither its
appearance nor its individual motifs can have had any influence on African-American aesthetics. Many of those motifs which those authors refer to as "symbols" represent objects of 20th century material culture such as wristwatches and cars; they would have been unknown not only to 18th and 19th century Africans but
Europeans and Americans as well. (Ironically, Olokun, one of the designs often pointed to, is named for the deity of the sea, who also was named
deity of prosperity when the region became wealthy - as a result of the
Atlantic slave trade.) Many of these designs were popularized after
1940.
|
|
In the years after World
War II when American tourists began visiting Nigeria, adire eleko makers
introduced a new overall pattern they called Amerika, an overall
pattern similar to the "leaves" design. Although no
Yoruba could explain its meaning or origin, it bears a striking resemblance
not only to airplane propellers, but to the American "Double
Wedding Ring" and "Orange Peel' quilt patterns. Rather
than adire eleko motifs having inspired early 19th century American quilts (as Wahlman and others have ahistorically suggested), something
American - if only tourists who preferred this design - appears to have inspired an adire eleko motif.
Another popular
design derived from a modern outside source combines images of Britain's King
George V and Queen Mary, taken from the 1935 banners celebrating his silver
jubilee, with images from a popular Moslem devotional picture printed in
Egypt and sold at most Nigerian markets, and various mottoes. Sometimes
the king and queen are replaced by Adam and Eve; sometimes the Moslem flying
horse is replaced by a lion. The complicated design is produced with a
stencil rather than by painting, but because many of the stencil makers are
illiterate, the letters in successive stencil generations often look more
like symbols than letters. The cloth is called Oloba, "owner
of a king" - the owner of the cloth "owns" the images on
it.
 Moslem
image of Mohammed's flying horse; details from post-1935 Oloba cloth
picturing horse and Jubilee motifs; Jubilee magic lantern slide.
What sets adire eleko apart is its witty, often humorous depiction of items of 20th century material culture, including
sugar cubes, matches, car parts including tires and radiator fans, and sewing machine pedals - all of which are the designs' actual names.
Although some parallel exists to the Euro-American fashion for "conversation prints," eleko makers unhesitatingly
juxtapose unrelated objects in a single block for graphic impact. In one block, the
Moslem Koran board
(similar to the European hornbook)
is always flanked by European dining forks; the two objects' only common feature is a similar basic shape. Likewise, in Opo ilee Mapo, "Pillars of Mapo Hall," spoons alternate with stylized renditions of the columns on Ibadan's
town hall,
built by the British in 1925. This sort of artistic license suggests that while the objects depicted may have some basic cultural reference, their selection is determined at least as much by aesthetics, familiarity, and ease in depiction as by symbolic
meaning; such cloths are, after all, made for resale. (Notably, the value an Opo ilee Mapo cloth is determined
by the number of spoons in the column block, more spoons evidencing a greater
degree of skill and labor involved in making the cloth.)
This is further indicated by the way many adire eleko cloths are named:
-
Some derive from an obvious theme (such as eyepe, "all birds").
-
Others are more stream-of-consciousness. Olokun is the name of the god of the sea, but when Atlantic trade with Europeans (often in the form of slaves) brought wealth, Olokun also became the god of
prosperity. The adire pattern called Olokun always has an unusual format (two strips, 2x5 blocks each, plus a narrow border of smaller blocks), but its blocks may consist of any of a number of motifs which somehow relate either to the ocean or to prosperity.
-
Still others get their name from a single motif that must appear among the many patterns it contains. Ibadandun ("Ibadan is sweet") must be made on a grid 4x7 squares long, and must contain at least one of the spoons-and-pillars
pattern just mentioned; otherwise, it can include any blocks the maker chooses (typically the same ones her mother did). Notably, the same pattern is made in
Abeokuta, but there it is referred to as Egba gbavi, "Egba is a popular place".
Classifying or naming a cloth's design by the single motif it must
contain rather than by its overall effect is uncommon among European cultures.
|
Dyed patterns - Ekpe
Ukara cloths
Ekpe
("leopard") societies originated in the 18th century with the Efik
as a way of transcending family and ethnic boundaries, allowing the formation
of intercommunity business relationships for the sale of slaves and palm oil
to Europeans and promoting regional social cohesion. At special events,
members wear or display ukara, white-on-indigo
wrapping cloths they have personally designed but which are made by women, who
are barred from membership and forbidden to learn the symbols' meaning. A
large number of slaves brought to America were from the general region where
Ekpe societies flourished, but the overwhelming majority of those slaves were
female. It is not known whether ukara were used during the slave trade era.
Among
the Ibo speaking people in the Cross River delta region of Nigeria, a
men's organization known as the "human leopard" (Egbo, Ekpe
or Ngbe) society emerged sometime in the 17th century. These
groups are often misdescribed as "secret" societies,
although in reality, says Daniel Offiong, "[t]he existence and
declared purpose of these societies is known to every adult and quite
often their many activities contribute to make them a dominant social
force." Instead, say Leib and Romano, "[w]hat is secret is
the knowledge the initiate can "see" (understand), and the
powers, both social and spiritual, afforded him through this
knowledge...." This knowledge has considerable cachet, and is
carefully guarded: "[o]ne Ngbe chief told us that if the secrets
were divulged, no one would be interested in
joining."
What is known is that the Ekpe society
originated with the Efik, who settled in the Cross River estuary
sometime in the late 17th century and who became prosperous by trading
with Europeans, first in slaves, later in palm oil. Realizing that
traditional Efik social structure of small, autonomous clusters of kin
groups could impede commerce and often resulted in intergroup
disputes, the Efik developed the Ekpe society, which had
religious overtones but, more importantly, allowed its members to
reach across the traditional boundaries of family, community, and
ethnicity, creating according to A.J.H. Latham "a genuinely
African capitalist institution." Elaborate rules ensured
that no member accrued more than his share of power and knowledge,
both valuable tools for accruing wealth and prestige. By the early
1800s Ekpe societies were widespread in the region.
Each
village had its own Ekpe lodge, which ran on a carrot- and-stick
system: Ekpe slave trading houses gave their members access to
European credit, while the threat of slavery kept members from
defaulting on their loans or otherwise failing to live up to their
obligations. Ikwo Ekpo notes that in the past, revealing secrets
to outsiders was punishable by death. Other sources describe the use
of cannibalism as a bonding ritual; even if this were only a rumor, it
would certainly have had a powerful effect on the general
community. After the slave trade ended, Ekpe societies evolved
into a kind of underground resistance aimed at subverting colonial
rule; in the early 20th century membership included "educated
Christian clerks, traders, head men and chiefs of towns, and even
[Christian] catechists and missionaries". Ekpe societies
have sometimes been compared to fraternal groups such as the Masons,
but such a comparison understates the extent of Ekpe power and
influence on the general population. Although membership in both is
voluntary, Ekpe societies were quasi-governmental in nature. Today
Ekpe and similar "secret" societies continue to operate as
community councils, settling disputes, judging offenders, ensuring
members meet their responsibilities, and generally promoting social
cohesion.
All members are adult males, not every
man in the community is a member, and only those entitled by birth can
be promoted beyond general membership to higher levels of knowledge
and power (the number of levels has increased exponentially in the
past century). Slaves are restricted to general membership. While a
few wealthy women are given "honorary" membership, they are
never initiated; Ekpe mythology justifies this exclusion by saying
that although women founded Ekpe, they were expelled forever when they
proved themselves unable to keep its secrets. (Women have a
corresponding society called Ekpa (of unknown origin date), but
their ritual objects are controlled by Ekpe (men's) societies,
and apparently they have no patterned cloths).
When
a man joins an Ekpe society, he commissions an indigo and white "ukara"
by sketching a design on plain white cloth, incorporating the Ekpe
symbols he has learned (including the blue and white triangles
symbolizing a leopard's paw), other motifs known as nsibidi (or
nsibiri) whose design and symbolism has evolved over time, and unique
images whose meaning is known only to himself. Local women then
embroider the cloth with raffia and dye it with indigo, producing a
stitched-resist, white-on-indigo design (known by the Yoruba as adire
alabere). Members wear or display their ukara only on ritual
occasions; otherwise the cloths are carefully stored away. Women's
ignorance of Ekpe secrets further enhances ukara's mystique.
In construction method
and design, Ukara are similar to adire alabere cloths, which do not
appear to have existed before the 18th century. It is not known
whether modern ukara resemble those in use in the slave trade era, or
whether ukara were in use then at all, especially since ukara do
not seem to be mandatory; members of Ekpe societies formed after the
19th century and in other regions wear george, a plaid wrapper
originally imported from India but since the late 20th century
manufactured in Africa.
Although a
large number of American slaves came from the region where Ekpe
flourished, society members were overwhelmingly slave traders rather
than slaves, and most of the slaves taken from that region were female.
While Ekpe symbols may have been generally familiar to the public, their
meaning would have been known only to the limited population of adult
male Ekpe members. Finally, the designs on ukara have a specific,
ritual and secret purpose that would seem inappropriate on a household
object such as a quilt, and since most examples are recently made, we do
not know what design changes may have occurred over the centuries, or
even if ukara were in use during the slave trade era. Any
connection between the appearance of modern ukara and African-American
quilts must therefore be regarded as coincidental.
Dyed
patterns: Dida tie-dyed raffia cloth
In
earlier centuries the Dida and Godie, small communities in the Ivory Coast,
used to weave a unique tie-dyed textile that today is almost never made.
Heirloom cloths are still used ceremonially, but how they are worn has
changed. It is not known whether or how many of these people may have
been brought to the US as slaves; they may have been lumped in with the
Bamana.
he Dida and Godie
are minority populations sitauted between the Baule and Dan people in
Ivory Coast (south of the Bamana people), who before they adopted
cotton typically wore barkcloth. For special occasions, however,
such as births, marriage and funeral ceremonies, they wore
cream-colored raffia cloth tie-dyed in shades of brown and coral
pink. Because of the time and skill required to produce these
cloths, they were considered luxuries which attested to the wearer's
social status.
While men's raffia cloth was a
large, flat panel woven on an upright loom, women's raffia cloth was
unlike any other garment in Africa. Made by women without a
loom, it was braided
in tubular form, and may have been derived from the bags used in
the region to carry rice.
The
ends of the cloth were tied into a decorative fringe, and the entire cloth,
about 18"x48", was carefully tie-dyed in regular geometric patterns
whose harmonious colors softly blend. The tying left the fabric
with a delicate puckered texture. Women
wore this tubular cloth like a loincloth, extending between their legs and
suspended front and back from a belt. Political upheaval in the
1980s forced families to sell many of these heirloom cloths to collectors,
and they are rarely seen today except at the most important of official
festivals, where they are worn hanging in front like an apron, or have been
cut open, pressed flat, and used to construct a garment. See
other examples of Dida cloth here.
|
|