Part IV

Patterns on subsaharan african textiles

Today's patterned African cloth would be all but unrecognizable to the Africans brought to America as slaves.  Seventeenth, 18th and early 19th century examples of West and Central African textiles demonstrate subtle color, delicacy of execution, careful planning and a passion for balance, symmetry and order.   

Dyed patterns: Yoruba Adire 

Adire was resist-dyed with indigo in tied or stitched patterns arranged symmetrically within a grid or on a central axis, and then lightly overdyed to reduce contrast. Painted-resist adire, whose symbols are often compared to American quilt designs, was not developed until the 20th century, long after the last African slave was taken to America.

Adire (AH-dih-ray) is a Yoruban  term describing resist-dyeing fabric, traditionally with indigo. This process involves keeping some areas of the cloth from absorbing dye - tying,  stitching, covering areas with a dye-resistant liquid such as starch paste or wax, or clamping the cloth between carved blocks of wood - to producing a negative image which, in the case of adire, would be a white pattern on a blue background.  

Resist dyeing is probably the oldest method of producing  nonwoven patterns on fabric using dyes; it has been found in almost every culture on the planet outside Europe, where it was not adopted until the 18th century (and then only the  paste-resist and clamp methods).  Conversely, in West Africa, tied resist was used as early as the 11th century (an adire oniko cap was found in the Tellem caves - see photo below); stitch resist may be nearly as old.  But adire eleko, or paste resist, was not used in Africa until the early 1900s. 

 

Adire oniko cap c.1100, made by the Tellem peopleWhile adire is the specialty of Nigeria's Yoruba, whose skill in indigo dyeing has been renowned (and widely traded in the region) for centuries, it is also done in other regions, sometimes with camwood or kola dye.  Rene Boser belives the technique may have originated spontaneously in several areas and that the Soninke and Mandingo may have helped diffuse patterns during their travels through Gambia, Ivory Coast, and Mali.  (Click here for an excellent image of a Dogon woman wearing an adire oniko kijipa.) 

In earlier centuries adire appears to have been highly regarded; when the tunic pictured below was acquired in the 1640s, its German collector said it was the kind given by the "king"  in a "knighting" ceremony (i.e., given to warriors by rulers).  But by the mid-1950s, adire was considered a "budget" fabric worn only by less well-off women and by men as sleeping cloths, and as a way to recycle faded cloth.   Not until the 1960s did adire become fashionable in West Africa, when expatriate African and African-American men started using adire for shirts as attractive way of celebrating their heritage.  Adire eleko has also become a means of cottage-industry income for Moslem women who are rarely permitted to leave their homes. 

 

How has adire changed since the Diaspora?

  • Synthetic dyes and colors other than blue 

  • Multicolor effects 
  • Lighter, tightly-woven commercially made fabric substituted for heaver, coarser homespun; commercially printed cottons, brocades, and other luxury textiles also used
  • Use of sewing machines to produce adire alabere - more detailed patterns
  • New patterns such as "Chieftancy tree" (Igi oye)
  • Embellishment with machine embroidery - late 20th century
  • Introduction around 1910 of adire eleko (painted, stenciled or stamped paste or wax resist) 

 

Design aesthetics

Balanced, symmetrical arrangement - The overall layout of adire designs is balanced and symmetrical.  A complete cloth is made from two panels of fabric (which can be made of several strips) about 8 feet long, joined along the selvage to produce a single cloth that appears seamless.  Typically the dyer lays one panel on top of the other and treats them as one in the resist process; this produces two identical pieces.  

A men's tunic with delicate adire oniko design from  Allada (where Yoruba exported their textiles), collected for German merchant Christoph Weickmann between 1653-1658. The fabric is made of vertical strips of cotton fabric carefully joined so that they appear to be one piece.

Seeds or stones are used to produce dots or rings of uniform size. In stitched adire, the dyer folds the cloth to divide each panel into equal-sized squares, which are then filled with motifs that are carefully arranged in a balanced, symmetrical manner.  The patterns on cloth intended for tunics are also symmetrical (see 17th century example above).  

Reduced contrast - After the resist was removed, the Yoruba typically overdyed the whole fabric with a light wash of indigo to soften the white design.  Today, they also use overall adire patterns (such as a herringbone motif) to tone down the bright colors of commercially printed fabrics.

Adire oniko  - tied resist   

This is believed to be the oldest adire method, and Yorubans and other West Africans brought to the US as slaves would certainly have been familiar with the designs it produced.  Areas of the fabric are tightly tied with thread (originally raffia, later cotton) to produce simple decorative designs. Several methods have traditionally been used:
  • Bullseye:  The center of the fabric is found and then the whole piece is twisted and tied; or the fabric is pleated, with or without folding into quarters first, and tied; then the fabric is dyed. The technique is quick, easy, and inexpensive to produce; it is so ubiquitous that during the 20th century dyers called the design "Tom, Dick and Harry". A more complicated version involving diagonal pleating is called sahada (possibly from al sahada, Arabic for "testimony," referring to the Moslem assertion that "There is no God but Allah and Mohammed is his prophet."  It would certainly be an attractive choice to make into a Moslem-style tunic.

  • Folding or crumpling:  The fabric is pleated lengthwise and crosswise, resulting in a plaid-like design, or gently crumpled into a ball for dyeing, resulting in a marbled or mottled effect.

  • Stripes:  To allow for even coloration, the fabric is left in 4-6" wide strips (today, wider fabric is cut into strips) which are folded and twisted, then tied and dyed. The strips are then assembled along their selvages, forming an overall lengthwise stripe pattern. This method is easy but labor-intensive, and for that reason it is often assigned to young girls. 

  • Dots or rings:  An area of the fabric is wrapped around a small stone or seed, which is held in place by wrapping the fabric tightly with thread. The size of the seed or stone affects the size of the ring or dot that results.   These can be concentric and start at the center of the fabric, or arranged in rows either "eyeballed" by the dyer or marked by folding and creasing the cloth; they can be widely spaced or almost touching.  After dyeing, the fabric can be pressed smooth or left crinkled.  The patterns include [Spinning] Top (also called Snail or Snake), Full Moon, and Moon and Fruits ("fruits" referring to the seeds used to make the smaller circles surrounding the "moon").

Adire oniko in the sahada pattern

.

Tie-dyed quilts in the American South: A mid-1980s survey of more than 10,000 North Carolina quilts revealed that during the early 1940s a number of tie-dyed, whole-cloth quilts were made in Sampson County, North Carolina.  It is tempting to infer an African origin, but few Yoruba were settled in the region, and at least some of the quilts (including the one at left) were made by white women, probably as the result of home dye brochures that promoted tie-dyeing a home decor technique since the early 1900s.   It would be useful to find evidence that African-Americans were tie-dyeing in the 19th century.

Adire alabere  - stitched resist   

It is not known how old this technique is, but it postdates adire oniko. Thread is also used as the "resist," but the designs are made by stitching.  Until well after the Diaspora, this would have been done by hand, with raffia; today, strips of plastic bags are sometimes used, along with a sewing machine.  Methods used include:

  • Rows of dots, or checked/plaid effect: The fabric is gathered with a running stitch; it may be also folded before gathering.   

  • Grid or columns containing simple geometric motifs:  The fabric is folded or pleated to form smaller, equal-sized sections, either in lengthwise stripes or a grid, and then the folds or pleats are oversewn.  Depending on the length and tightness of the stitch and the thread used, the result can result in a line that  looks remarkably like the backbone of a fish. 

Within the grid or columns, geometric patterns are then worked using more stitching or by tying.  Alabere patterns are decorative in nature, and represent (and have the names of) items commonly found in everyday life.  One pattern can cover the entire cloth, or a variety can be used. Diaspora-era patterns probably include Scissors, Cocoa, Fingers, Bananas, Eggs, and Tribal Marks (decorative facial scars).

This is also the method used to produce ukara, the cloths worn and displayed today during special activities by top-ranking members of the Ekpe or "leopard society," discussed below.  

This adire alabere alternates tribal mark, fingers, 

and chicken foot motifs.

 

Adire eleko - paste resist

The adire method Signs & Symbols author Wahlman links to African-American quilts originated after 1910, and contains motifs called  "wire," "eggs," and "leaves".

This technique dates to the 20th century - long after the period when enslaved Africans were being brought to the Western Hemisphere.  Adire eleko's origin has been traced to Ibadan, Nigeria, in around 1910, and ironically owes its existence to punitive colonial policies.  Faced with a shortage of raw cotton for their mills and a resistant African market, European merchants flooded the region with cheap cotton sheeting, while colonial governments levied high taxes on locally-made cloth.  The combination put African weavers out of work, "freeing" them to raise cotton for export to European mills.  

The imported sheeting's smooth finish and tight weave allowed designs to be painted on its surface with a cassava starch paste - a process impossible on the softer, more loosely-woven handwoven  fabric.   The paste is applied with a feather or a broomstraw and carefully dried, after which it is dyed. The starch is then removed, leaving a white pattern on a blue background. Today stencils, printing blocks and wax are also used.

Although adire eleko is prominently featured in both Hidden in Plain View and Signs and Symbols, neither its appearance nor its individual motifs can have had any influence on African-American aesthetics.  Many of those motifs which those authors refer to as "symbols" represent objects of 20th century material culture such as wristwatches and cars; they would have been unknown not only to 18th and 19th century Africans but Europeans and Americans as well.  (Ironically, Olokun, one of the designs often pointed to, is named for the deity of the sea, who also was named deity of prosperity when the region became wealthy - as a result of the Atlantic slave trade.) Many of these designs were popularized after 1940. 

In the years after World War II when American tourists began visiting Nigeria, adire eleko makers introduced a new overall pattern they called Amerika, an overall pattern similar to the "leaves" design. Although no Yoruba could explain its meaning or origin, it bears a striking resemblance not only to airplane propellers, but to the  American "Double Wedding Ring" and "Orange Peel' quilt patterns.   Rather than adire eleko motifs having inspired early 19th century American quilts (as Wahlman and others have ahistorically suggested), something American - if only tourists who preferred this design - appears to have inspired an adire eleko motif. 

Another popular design derived from a modern outside source combines images of Britain's King George V and Queen Mary, taken from the 1935 banners celebrating his silver jubilee, with images from a popular Moslem devotional picture printed in Egypt and sold at most Nigerian markets, and various mottoes.  Sometimes the king and queen are replaced by Adam and Eve; sometimes the Moslem flying horse is replaced by a lion.  The complicated design is produced with a stencil rather than by painting, but because many of the stencil makers are illiterate, the letters in successive stencil generations often look more like symbols than letters.  The cloth is called Oloba, "owner of a king" - the owner of the cloth "owns" the images on it. 

 

Moslem image of Mohammed's flying horse; details from post-1935 Oloba cloth picturing horse and Jubilee motifs; Jubilee magic lantern slide.

What sets adire eleko apart is its witty, often humorous depiction of items of 20th century material culture, including sugar cubes, matches, car parts including tires and radiator fans, and sewing machine pedals - all of which are the designs' actual names. 

Although some parallel exists to the Euro-American fashion for "conversation prints," eleko makers unhesitatingly juxtapose unrelated objects in a single block for graphic impact.  In one block, the Moslem Koran board (similar to the European hornbook)  is always flanked by European dining forks; the two objects' only common feature is a similar basic shape. Likewise, in Opo ilee Mapo, "Pillars of Mapo Hall," spoons alternate with stylized renditions of the columns on Ibadan's town hall, built by the British in 1925. This sort of artistic license suggests that while the objects depicted may have some basic cultural reference, their selection is determined at least as much by aesthetics, familiarity, and ease in depiction as by symbolic meaning; such cloths are, after all, made for resale. (Notably, the value an Opo ilee Mapo cloth is determined by the number of spoons in the column block, more spoons evidencing a greater degree of skill and labor involved in making the cloth.)  

This is further indicated by the way many adire eleko cloths are named:

  • Some derive from an obvious theme (such as eyepe, "all birds"). 

  • Others are more stream-of-consciousness. Olokun is the name of the god of the sea, but when Atlantic trade with Europeans (often in the form of slaves) brought wealth,  Olokun also became the god of prosperity.  The adire pattern called Olokun always has an unusual format (two strips, 2x5 blocks each, plus a narrow border of smaller blocks), but its blocks may consist of any of a number of motifs which somehow relate either to the ocean or to prosperity.

  • Still others get their name from a single motif that must appear among the many patterns it contains. Ibadandun ("Ibadan is sweet") must be made on a grid 4x7 squares long, and must contain at least one of the spoons-and-pillars pattern just mentioned; otherwise, it can include any blocks the maker chooses (typically the same ones her mother did).  Notably, the same pattern is made in Abeokuta, but there it is referred to as Egba gbavi,  "Egba is a popular place". Classifying or naming a cloth's design by the single motif it must contain rather than by its overall effect is uncommon among European cultures.

Dyed patterns - Ekpe Ukara cloths

Ekpe ("leopard") societies originated in the 18th century with the Efik as a way of transcending family and ethnic boundaries, allowing the formation of intercommunity business relationships for the sale of slaves and palm oil to Europeans and promoting regional social cohesion.  At special events, members wear or display ukara, white-on-indigo wrapping cloths they have personally designed but which are made by women, who are barred from membership and forbidden to learn the symbols' meaning. A large number of slaves brought to America were from the general region where Ekpe societies flourished, but the overwhelming majority of those slaves were female. It is not known whether ukara were used during the slave trade era.

Among the Ibo speaking people in the Cross River delta region of Nigeria, a men's organization known as the "human leopard" (Egbo, Ekpe or Ngbe) society emerged sometime in the 17th century.  These groups are often misdescribed as "secret" societies, although in reality, says Daniel Offiong, "[t]he existence and declared purpose of these societies is known to every adult and quite often their many activities contribute to make them a dominant social force." Instead, say Leib and Romano, "[w]hat is secret is the knowledge the initiate can "see" (understand), and the powers, both social and spiritual, afforded him through this knowledge...." This knowledge has considerable cachet, and is carefully guarded: "[o]ne Ngbe chief told us that if the secrets were divulged, no one would be interested in joining."  

What is known is that the Ekpe society originated with the Efik, who settled in the Cross River estuary sometime in the late 17th century and who became prosperous by trading with Europeans, first in slaves, later in palm oil. Realizing that traditional Efik social structure of small, autonomous clusters of kin groups could impede commerce and often resulted in intergroup disputes,  the Efik developed the Ekpe society, which had religious overtones but, more importantly, allowed its members to reach across the traditional boundaries of family, community, and ethnicity, creating according to A.J.H. Latham "a genuinely African capitalist institution."  Elaborate rules ensured that no member accrued more than his share of power and knowledge, both valuable tools for accruing wealth and prestige. By the early 1800s Ekpe societies were widespread in the region.   

Ekpe members wearing ukara in a membe's funeral processionEach village had its own Ekpe lodge, which ran on a carrot- and-stick system:  Ekpe slave trading houses gave their members access to European credit, while the threat of slavery kept members from defaulting on their loans or otherwise failing to live up to their obligations.  Ikwo Ekpo notes that in the past, revealing secrets to outsiders was punishable by death. Other sources describe the use of cannibalism as a bonding ritual; even if this were only a rumor, it would certainly have had a powerful effect on the general community.  After the slave trade ended, Ekpe societies evolved into a kind of underground resistance aimed at subverting colonial rule; in the early 20th century membership included "educated Christian clerks, traders, head men and chiefs of towns, and even [Christian] catechists and missionaries".  Ekpe societies have sometimes been compared to fraternal groups such as the Masons, but such a comparison understates the extent of Ekpe power and influence on the general population. Although membership in both is voluntary, Ekpe societies were quasi-governmental in nature. Today Ekpe and similar "secret" societies continue to operate as community councils, settling disputes, judging offenders, ensuring members meet their responsibilities, and generally promoting social cohesion. 

All members are adult males, not every man in the community is a member, and only those entitled by birth can be promoted beyond general membership to higher levels of knowledge and power (the number of levels has increased exponentially in the past century). Slaves are restricted to general membership. While a few wealthy women are given "honorary" membership, they are never initiated; Ekpe mythology justifies this exclusion by saying that although women founded Ekpe, they were expelled forever when they proved themselves unable to keep its secrets. (Women have a corresponding society called Ekpa (of unknown origin date), but their ritual objects are controlled by Ekpe (men's) societies, and apparently they have no patterned cloths).

Courtesy Hamill Galleries. Click for more images.When a man joins an Ekpe society, he commissions an indigo and white "ukara" by sketching a design on plain white cloth, incorporating the Ekpe symbols he has learned (including the blue and white triangles symbolizing a leopard's paw), other motifs  known as nsibidi (or nsibiri) whose design and symbolism has evolved over time, and unique images whose meaning is known only to himself.  Local women then embroider the cloth with raffia and dye it with indigo, producing a stitched-resist, white-on-indigo design (known by the Yoruba as adire alabere). Members wear or display their ukara only on ritual occasions; otherwise the cloths are carefully stored away. Women's ignorance of Ekpe secrets further enhances ukara's mystique.  

 In construction method and design, Ukara are similar to adire alabere cloths, which do not appear to have existed before the 18th century.  It is not known whether modern ukara resemble those in use in the slave trade era, or whether ukara were in use then at all, especially since ukara do not seem to be mandatory; members of Ekpe societies formed after the 19th century and in other regions wear george, a plaid wrapper originally imported from India but since the late 20th century manufactured in Africa. 

Although a large number of American slaves came from the region where Ekpe flourished, society members were overwhelmingly slave traders rather than slaves, and most of the slaves taken from that region were female. While Ekpe symbols may have been generally familiar to the public, their meaning would have been known only to the limited population of adult male Ekpe members.  Finally, the designs on ukara have a specific, ritual and secret purpose that would seem inappropriate on a household object such as a quilt, and since most examples are recently made, we do not know what design changes may have occurred over the centuries, or even if ukara were in use during the slave trade era.  Any connection between the appearance of modern ukara and African-American quilts must therefore be regarded as coincidental.

 

 

Dyed patterns: Dida tie-dyed raffia cloth

In earlier centuries the Dida and Godie, small communities in the Ivory Coast, used to weave a unique tie-dyed textile that today is almost never made. Heirloom cloths are still used ceremonially, but how they are worn has changed.  It is not known whether or how many of these people may have been brought to the US as slaves; they may have been lumped in with the Bamana.

he Dida and Godie are minority populations sitauted between the Baule and Dan people in Ivory Coast (south of the Bamana people), who before they adopted cotton typically wore  barkcloth. For special occasions, however, such as births, marriage and funeral ceremonies, they wore cream-colored raffia cloth tie-dyed in shades of brown and coral pink.  Because of the time and skill required to produce these cloths, they were considered luxuries which attested to the wearer's social status.  

While men's raffia cloth was a large, flat panel woven on an upright loom, women's raffia cloth was unlike any other garment in Africa.  Made by women without a loom, it was braided in tubular form, and may have been derived from the bags used in the region to carry rice.  

The ends of the cloth were tied into a decorative fringe, and the entire cloth, about 18"x48", was carefully tie-dyed in regular geometric patterns whose harmonious colors softly blend.   The tying left the fabric with a delicate puckered texture.

Women wore this tubular cloth like a loincloth, extending between their legs and suspended front and back from a belt.   Political upheaval in the 1980s forced families to sell many of these heirloom cloths to collectors, and they are rarely seen today except at the most important of official festivals, where they are worn hanging in front like an apron, or have been cut open, pressed flat, and used to construct a garment.   See other examples of Dida cloth here.